| Takelot Iii |
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| pharaohs of the twenty-third dynasty of egypt | |
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: "..The stela belongs to a group of finds documenting the temple of the God Thoth ... the western part of the Dakhla Oasis ...during the Third Intermediate Period. One block of temple decoration was found in the name of king Petubastis (I), and the stela under discussion was set up in the temple to which this block belonged. The stela's principal text has five lines, in which the date of the stela is given as Year 13 of Takeloth III (c. 740 BCE), as well as the name of the god Thoth of SA-wHAt, the local deity. The stela records a land donation to the temple on the part of the local governor, chief of a Libyan tribe, and it concludes with a list of eleven priests who are beneficiaries of this donation....Another donation stela erected by the same governor to Year 24 of Piye is known from the temple of Seth in Mut(Dakhleh). " PAPYRUS BERLIN 3048 In addition, Frederic Payraudeau, a University of Paris student, has recently argued in a GM 198(2004) pp.79-90 paper that Takelot III likely ruled Egypt for a minimum of 14 Years and was presumably the unknown Year 19 Egyptian monarch recorded at Wadi Gasus. He bases his case on the evidence of Papyrus Berlin 3048, the only surviving administrative document on ''' which is a relatively late form of Third Intermediate Period era writing that appears only in Nubian and early Saite era documents. (Payraudeau, GM 198, p.85) This fact alone implies that P. Berlin 3048 was created close in time to the start of the Nubian 25th Dynasty since the earliest securely dated papyrus documents written in Abnormal Hieratic are a pair of Year 21 and 22 papyri from Piye 's reign. Abnormal Hieratic would not have appeared in use as early as Year 14 of Takelot II, a king who ruled Thebes about 80 years before the Nubian conquest of Egypt under Piye. Frederic, hence, argues that this papyrus is the earliest known example of this new form of Writing in Ancient Egypt . This strongly suggests that the king Takelot mentioned here was rather Takelot III whose son-in-law, Peftjaubast of Herakleopolis , is attested in Piye's Year 20 Gebel Barkal Victory stela. Gerard Broekman, in his JEA 88(2002) paper on the Karnak Quay Texts, has observed that the Ancient Egyptian form of Writing began to change around the end of Shoshenq III's reign as the 'Archaism era' began. This would be the time when one would expect the start of the use of Abnormal Hieratic in official state documents. Secondly, Frederic observes that P. Berlin 3048 specifically mentions Two Royal Treasurers. The fact that 2 treasurers served Pharaoh at the same time is inconsistent with the known facts for the period from the reign of Osorkon II until the early years of Osorkon III at since he was not even connected to this family. Hence, the only other viable candidate for Djedmontuiufankh's master is Takelot III for whom no Royal Treasurer is known with certainty. Thirdly, the Vizier Hor who is mentioned in Papyrus Berlin 3048 is likely the same person who is named as the father of Vizier Nebneterou in several Nubian and Saite era geneaological documents. (see BIFAO 86 article by De Meulenaere). This also makes it far more plausible that P. Berlin 3048 belongs to Takelot III since Hor would have served as Vizier only a few years prior to the start of the Nubian Dynasty in Egypt under Piye . This would explain his son's later attestations in Nubian and Saite documents. In contrast, Takelot II died decades before Piye conquered Egypt in his 20th Year. Finally, the author notes that the Royal Treasurer Djedmontuiufankh, son of Aafenmut II, lists his family geneaology on the opposite side of this papyrus. (Payraudeau, op. cit, pp.84-85) This specific list of his family tree is given: Harsiese-->Bakenkhonsu-->Harsiese-->Aafenmut I-->Merkhonsu-->Harsiese--> (name lost)-->Harsiese-->Aafenmut II-->Djedmontuiufankh-->Harsiese. An '''Aafenmut''', a scribe of the Chief Treasurer, was buried under Osorkon I (bracellets on his Mummy bore this king's prenomen). Frederic notes that an identification of this person with one of the listed predecessors of Djedmontuiufankh is certain here since this person functioned as a 'scribe of the Treasury'--a state office with which Djedmontuiufankh's family was intimately linked with. However, this Aafenmut was probably '''Aafenmut I''' rather than '''Aafenmut II''', Djedmontuiufankh's father, since this person's son could not lived beyond three family generations (under Takelot I, Osorkon II and the High Priest Nimlot C) from the reign of Osorkon I into Year 14 of Takelot II, as the author notes. Frederic also highlights the existence of the funerary stela of a certain Harsiese, son of Merkhonsu, which was found at the Ramesseum and has been stylistically dated to the 9th Century BC in the period around Takelot I or Osorkon II's reign to support his hypothesis that both Aafenmut I and Merkhonsu were direct ancestors of Djedmontuiufankh. Frederic demonstrates in a table below, how Djedmontuiufankh would have served as Treasurer in the time of Takelot III, rather than Takelot II. The scholar constructs a compelling case for attributing the Year 14 date to Takelot III because he combines various strands of evidence to support his argument. Such a redating would suggest that the Year 19 date at Wadi Gasus also belongs to Takelot III, rather than Rudamun since Takelot III would only have needed to rule for an additional 5 Years to be this monarch. As an aside, the author notes that Nile Quay Text No.45--which, according to Broekman in JEA 88, records either Year 17, 18 or 25 of an anonymous Theban king who ruled after Shoshenq III--could be ascribed to Takelot III based on the evidence of Papyrus Berlin 3048. Since Year 13 of Takelot III is now attested, it appears probable that the Year 14 date in this document also belongs to his reign. GENEALOGICAL TABLE:
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